Chieftain repeated myth of “sharp dropoff in ... deaths in Iraq as a result of the American troop surge”

Discussing the six-year anniversary of the 9-11 terror attacks, an editorial in The Pueblo Chieftain parroted the falsehood that the “American troop surge” in Iraq had led to “a sharp dropoff” in deaths there. In fact, news media accounts, as well as reports from governmental agencies and independent commissions, all indicate that the strategy has done little to curb civilian deaths.

In a September 11 editorial marking the six-year anniversary of the terrorist attacks against the Pentagon and New York's World Trade Center, The Pueblo Chieftain asserted that there has been “a sharp dropoff” in “deaths in Iraq as a result of the American troop surge.” In fact, as Media Matters for America has noted, numerous media reports, as well as the Government Accountability Office (GAO), the latest National Intelligence Estimate (NIE), the Independent Commission on the Security Forces of Iraq report, and a recent New York Times op-ed by a group of seven U.S. soldiers serving in Iraq all suggest that the troop escalation has not significantly improved security in Iraq and that violence in the nation has not decreased.

According to the Chieftain, “The number 9/11 is now part of the American lexicon. It should serve as a vivid reminder of why we are now engaged in a war on terror.” The editorial later added:

So on this sixth anniversary of the 9/11 terrorist attacks on American soil, it is well to remember just what and whom we are fighting in the war on terror.

The “what” is a pernicious view of Islam in which all things Western -- and American in particularl -- are considered evil. This viewpoint was reiterated by bin Laden in his latest video.

Under this view, democratic elections, free markets and personal freedoms are antithetical to the teachings of the hate purveyors. The goal is quite simple, and it has been broadcast and published throughout the Middle East for years now:

The West must be destroyed and all its infidels must either accept Islam or perish. It's an ancient dream of Islamic Arab dominance across the globe -- a dream held by just a minority of Muslims, but a dangerous minority nevertheless.

Whom are we fighting? The soulmates of those who boarded four airliners on Sept. 11, 2001, on their suicide mission of terrorism. They have no remorse for the killing of innocent civilians, because those civilians are part of the West and its modern values.

In the hours, days and weeks following the attacks, most Americans knew what had to be done: We had to defeat this insidious enemy. President Bush said at the time that this would be a long battle, a message he continues to reiterate today.

Sadly, too many Americans have grown weary of fighting this enemy. They want to cut and run, having grown weary of the incessant reporting of deaths in Iraq, Afghanistan and elsewhere across the globe -- despite a sharp dropoff in those deaths in Iraq as a result of the American troop surge.

In contrast to the Chieftain, an August 25 Associated Press article reported that while violence is down in Baghdad “from peak levels ... the death toll from sectarian attacks around the country is running nearly double the pace from a year ago.” On September 1, the Los Angeles Times (registration required) reported that "[b]ombings, sectarian slayings and other violence related to the war killed at least 1,773 Iraqi civilians in August, the second month in a row that civilian deaths have risen." The article added, “The statistics appear to indicate that the increase in troops ordered by President Bush this year has done little to curb civilian bloodshed, despite U.S. military statements to the contrary.”

Further, a September 6 Washington Post article reported that, in addition to the GAO, "[o]thers who have looked at the full range of U.S. government statistics on violence [in Iraq] ... accuse the military of cherry-picking positive indicators and caution that the numbers [on violence in Iraq] -- most of which are classified -- are often confusing and contradictory." The Post added, “The intelligence community has its own problems with military calculations” regarding violence in Iraq. It also reported that one unnamed “senior intelligence official” specifically took issue with how the military counts acts of sectarian violence, because, according to its methodology, "[i]f a bullet went through the back of the head, it's sectarian .... If it went through the front, it's criminal."

In addition to news accounts, recent government reports and a New York Times op-ed written by soldiers currently serving in Iraq belie the Chieftain's claim that the surge has resulted in a “sharp dropoff” in deaths in Iraq:

  • According to the GAO in its report issued September 4, the goal of "[r]educing the level of sectarian violence in Iraq and eliminating militia control of local security" was "[n]ot met." The GAO further noted: “While it is not clear if sectarian violence has been reduced, militia control over security forces has not been eliminated and remains a serious problem in Baghdad and other areas of Iraq.” Further, during testimony on September 4 in front of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Comptroller General David Walker, the top official at the GAO, discussed data surrounding sectarian violence and asserted that “there are several different sources within the administration on violence, and those sources do not agree” and that “part of the problem that we had in reaching a conclusion about sectarian violence is there are multiple sources showing different levels of violence with different trends.”
  • Portions of the NIE that were released on August 23 contain the conclusion that while "[t]here have been measurable but uneven improvements in Iraq's security situation," still “the level of overall violence, including attacks on and casualties among civilians, remains high; Iraq's sectarian groups remain unreconciled; [and] AQI [Al Qaeda in Iraq] retains the ability to conduct high-profile attacks.”
  • The Independent Commission on the Security Forces of Iraq, chaired by retired Gen. James L. Jones and created by the Congress to provide an independent assessment of the Iraqi Security Forces -- both military and police -- reported significant shortcomings with the Iraqi security forces, affecting their ability to reduce violence and provide security for the Iraq people. The commission reported: “The Iraqi Police Service is incapable today of providing security at a level sufficient to protect Iraqi neighborhoods from insurgents and sectarian violence. The police are central to the long-term establishment of security in Iraq. To be effective in combating the threats that officers face, including sectarian violence, the Iraqi Police Service must be better trained and equipped.” While the commission noted that it “believes that the Iraqi Police Service can improve rapidly should the Ministry of Interior become a more functional institution,” its conclusion about the Ministry of Interior stated: “The Ministry of Interior is a ministry in name only. It is widely regarded as being dysfunctional and sectarian, and suffers from ineffective leadership. Such fundamental flaws present a serious obstacle to achieving the levels of readiness, capability, and effectiveness in police and border security forces that are essential for internal security and stability in Iraq.” Regarding the National Police Force, the commission concluded: “The National Police have proven operationally ineffective. Sectarianism in its units undermines its ability to provide security; the force is not viable in its current form. The National Police should be disbanded and reorganized.”
  • As Media Matters noted, seven U.S. Army infantrymen and noncommissioned officers currently serving in Iraq wrote in an August 19 New York Times op-ed: “The claim that we are increasingly in control of the battlefields in Iraq is an assessment arrived at through a flawed, American-centered framework. Yes, we are militarily superior, but our successes are offset by failures elsewhere.” The soldiers also wrote: “Given the situation, it is important not to assess security from an American-centered perspective. The ability of, say, American observers to safely walk down the streets of formerly violent towns is not a resounding indicator of security. What matters is the experience of the local citizenry and the future of our counterinsurgency. When we take this view, we see that a vast majority of Iraqis feel increasingly insecure and view us as an occupation force that has failed to produce normalcy after four years and is increasingly unlikely to do so as we continue to arm each warring side.”